Tuesday, April 20, 2010

Interim Observations of the National People's Audit of SEZ s Panel Members

National People's Audit of SEZs

April 19-20, Auditorium, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

Preliminary Observations by the National Panel


1.      SEZs across the country have entailed serious violations of the constitution, laws, and procedures laid down by the government itself, and of peoples’ rights. This includes:

                                i.            Several have taken over irrigated lands, despite a policy statement that this will not be allowed.

                              ii.            Most have entailed forcible acquisition of land, using the Land Acquisition Act where the State has intervened on behalf of the developer, or strong-arm tactics where the developer has carried out acquisition directly.

                            iii.            Many have violated environmental laws, such as the Forest Conservation Act, the Forest Rights Act, and the CRZ and EIA notifications of the Environment Protection Act.

                            iv.            Many have obtained approval by providing false or misleading information, e.g. misrepresentation of the purpose for which the SEZ is proposed, the legal status of lands involved, the extent of local community rights and dependence on the area.

                              v.            Most have involved violations, in letter and/or spirit, of constitutional guarantees for adivasis or other disprivileged sections; this includes alienation of supposedly non-alienable lands, taking back of lands given to landless, and many others.


2.      Promises of employment to local people have almost never materialized, either at all, or in the numbers that were promised. Figures provided by the government or developers on this have often been found to be significantly exaggerated. Even where some employment has been generated, it is very minimally to local people, and is often in extremely exploitative and poor working conditions, with particularly terrible effects on women. At the same time, considerable local livelihood loss (of farming, forest-based, fishery-based, and local industrial jobs) has taken place, with no estimate available with the government.

3.      The State has done everything possible to help private developers bidding for SEZs: easy passage through the permission stage, intervening to acquire lands when local people have resisted (using the Land Acquisition Act or more draconian state level laws), providing lands previously acquired for other purposes, providing developers administrative and police help, intimidating or imprisoning people who object or protest, allowing officials to take leave to work for the developers, distorting census figures and fabricating land records to benefit developers, providing infrastructure created through public funds and for public purpose, and in other ways colluding with developers. Political parties have mostly played a typically opportunistic role, siding with affected communities before elections and then abandoning them. Even the judiciary has often failed the victims of this process, siding with the State or with developers, not exercising due diligence in unquestioningly accepting figures and arguments given by them, and not upholding the constitutional rights of people.

4.      Almost all lands taken by SEZs are those on which local communities are dependent. Tens of thousands of acres of fertile rainfed or irrigated lands, wetlands, pastures, forests, and coastal stretches have been taken over. Even the so-called ‘wastelands’ that governments claim have been used, are crucial common property resources for the poor. There is no estimate of the number of people who have thus been dispossessed and deprived, but it would run into several million.

5.      These are also lands that are crucial for ecological security and wildlife/biodiversity. Many of the SEZs for instance are in coastal areas, and entail destruction or alteration of mangroves, mudflats, creeks, and beaches that are ecologically fragile and important.

6.      Environmental and labour laws or procedures, already inadequate, have been further weakened for SEZs.

7.      Landless people who were assigned lands under land reforms legislation, have been deprived once again by ‘resuming’ these lands, in states that have mandated this in the name of ‘public purpose’.

8.      In most cases, there is a serious lack of information with affected populations; very little advance notice is given, and even then, very little if any information is provided on the extent, rationale, and other aspects of the proposed SEZ. Even RTI applications have routinely been frustrated by willful delays and inadequate information. There is therefore no time for people to prepare a response, provide informed objections, or in other ways ensure their rights to a fair hearing.

9.      Due to lack of knowledge of the implications, farmers at many sites have also accepted compensation; only subsequently have they realized the implications of losing their lands or the extent to which they have been duped. It is understandable that they have in many cases subsequently demanded their lands back, or better compensation in tune with the full value of their land as realized by the developer or government agency that is acting as intermediary. Any ‘agreement’ where free and informed consent has not been ensured, where the agreement has been reached under fraud, duress, or coercion, is not acceptable.

10.  All SEZs entail dispossession and displacement not only of communities directly within the boundaries, but also in surrounding areas, e.g. through excessive withdrawal of water, breakage of economic ties, loss of access, pollution, and so on.

11.  While rationalized in the name of export-oriented production, most SEZs seem to be more about real estate speculation, as clear from the size of the lands being acquired (far more than required for the industry per se), the kinds of companies that are acquiring them or partnering with the developers, the growing interest of real estate companies (Indian and foreign), the connection between land acquisition and the stock values of the acquiring companies, and so on.

12.  The governance of SEZs is completely contrary to the constitution, and opposed to the stated aim of the government to enhance decentralization. It concentrates enormous power in the hands of an unaccountable, tiny administrative body, and leaves no space for the powers and functions of panchayats or urban wards to be carried out. The SEZ Act even subverts the sovereign functions of the State, e.g. by giving judicial powers to a designated court set up by the central government, for adjudication on civil disputes as also prosecution of a schedule of offences that has been left unspecified in the Act. The Act even extends the protection normally given to public servants, to all those in the SEZ authority, which would include people from private corporations.

13.  SEZs are also a classic example of the anti-people misuse of the State’s powers under ‘eminent domain’, and ‘public purpose’.

14.  There is no clarity on even whether the purely financial objectives of SEZs are being met, since cost-benefit analyses are not carried out. Evidence from several of them suggest huge losses that the government is incurring, in terms of taxes and duties foregone, as a result of the violation or sidestepping of the Customs and Income Tax Acts. The CAG has even questioned whether the exports objective is being met, since produce from SEZs are often being sold inside India.

15.  Most SEZs have faced and are increasingly facing resistance and protest; in many cases this has meant a complete or partial failure to acquire land, or a withdrawal of the developer from the project. While some movements have been for better compensation and relief packages, very many have been in the nature of outright opposition, with farmers or fishers or pastoralists unwilling to trade their land/water based security for money. Unfortunately, the response of governments to peaceful protests has been intimidation, repression, and the forced criminalization of legitimate activism.

16.  At its root, the SEZ phenomenon is an outcome of the model of ‘development’, with its current epitome in financial globalisation, that India has adopted. This model treats nature and local communities as raw material or labour, to be exploited and abused in the raw pursuit of profits, and justifies itself using outmoded and false indicators like percentage of economic growth. It depends on increasing exports regardless of consequences. It increasingly privatizes public assets, and the SEZ phenomenon is a classic example of how the ‘commons’ are being enclosed for private profit.

17.  Various official agencies have raised serious doubts about the wisdom and validity of the SEZ approach; these include the Finance Ministry, Labour Ministry, a Committee set up by the Rural Development Ministry, the CAG, the RBI, and the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Commerce.

18.  While the routine obfuscation by the government is disturbing, there is a tacit, convenient, and sometimes open collusion of much of the media in propagating the false claims and image of SEZs.


Given the above, our main conclusion is: India’s current SEZ policy and practice are fundamentally unconstitutional, anti-people, ecologically destructive, financially reckless, and unsustainable; it is a thinly disguised attempt at making available huge areas of land for real estate speculation by both Indian and foreign companies. It holds little if any benefit for the poor people of the country, and only increases the growing inequities between the rich and the poor. It runs completely contradictory to the government’s stated commitment to ‘sustainable and equitable development’.


It is also clear that people, so far protesting peacefully, are losing patience; a recipe for possible violence and public disruption in the future. If this happens, it will only be the State which is to blame.



In view of the above, we recommend:


1.      The SEZ Act should be immediately repealed.

2.      All consideration of pending applications should be stopped forthwith.

3.      All SEZs given approval so far (notified or in principle), should be reviewed through a participatory public process. Where local community consent is not obtained, they should be withdrawn. Where they are to continue, they should be subject to all environmental, labour, tax and other laws of the country, converting them to normal industrial estates, and taking back the excess lands.

4.      Farmers, fishers, and other local communities who have been displaced should be urgently rehabilitated, back into the areas they were displaced from, with clear tenurial rights (especially community rights) to the land, within a year.

5.      Farmers, fishers, and other local communities who have been deprived of their lands and/or resources (without being physically displaced) should be given back their lands and/or access to resources, as far as possible in their original state, with clear tenurial rights (especially community rights) to the land and/or resources, within a year.

6.      Developers must be made to remedy the ecological damage, and health hazards, created by their activities.

7.      A full investigation, with public involvement and full transparency, should be conducted into allegations of malpractice, illegality, and misbehaviour on part of corporations, agencies, and officials; and appropriate punishments given to those found guilty.

8.      In place of SEZs, the government must facilitate the security of livelihoods of communities living off the land, helping them enhance agricultural, forestry, fisheries, rural industrial, or other means of livelihoods. Several innovative initiatives of decentralised economic and political democracy (including on people’s economic zones, sustainable agriculture, rural industries, renewable energy, and so on), that are being led by communities and civil society organizations, should be supported and encouraged.

9.      The State’s power of eminent domain over land and natural resources should be brought in line with the mandatory consent of local communities; this would include the replacement of the Land Acquisition Act or other such laws of the centre and the states with laws that are more democratic.


We were greatly inspired by the voices, knowledge and resolve of the many people from local communities who gave testimonies at the National Audit. This provides hope that change can be peacefully brought about for a more equitable, sustainable India.


Jury members : Kuldip Nayar, Admiral (Retd.) Ramdas, K B Saxena, Ashish Kothari, Meher Engineer, Vrinda Grover, Devaki Jain and Rahul Bose



New Delhi, April 20 2010

How to feed your billionaires

P. Sainath's take on IPL published in India together.


P. Sainath is the 2007 winner of the Ramon Magsaysay award for Journalism, Literature, and Creative Communication Arts. He is one of the two recipients of the A.H. Boerma Award, 2001, granted for his contributions in changing the nature of the development debate on food, hunger and rural development in the Indian media.

How to feed your billionaires

Freebies for the IPL - at a time of savage food subsidy cuts for the poor - benefit four men who make the Forbes Billionaire List of 2010 and a few other, mere multi-millionaires, notes P Sainath.

19 April 2010 - And so the IPL fracas is now heading for its own Champions League. Union Cabinet Ministers, Union Ministers of State, Chief Ministers (and who knows a Governor or two might pop up yet) are being named as people trying to influence the bidding process. Both houses of Parliament are in uproar. The taxmen have launched a "survey."

Many in the media and politics are happy to reduce it all to issues of propriety or personality. For, the BCCI-IPL is one platform where the Congress and the BJP cohabit, normally with ease. Big money is, after all, a secular, bi-partisan space. (Or tri-partisan: let's not deny the central contribution of the NCP to this phenomenon.) It's also interesting that the media, though now compelled to give the IPL's underbelly some coverage, are still reluctant to ask larger, harder questions. To go beyond their Modi-Tharoor feeding frenzy. And to avoid induced amnesia.

It was just 10 years ago that cricket was rocked by the game's biggest-ever match-fixing scandal. That too had its centre of gravity in Indian cities, and involved Indian bookies and Indian businessmen. But along comes a new hyper-commercialised version of the game. It has scandal-waiting-to-happen written all over it and the media say "wow! This looks great," promptly going into the "willing suspension of disbelief" mode.

This venture had the right names, high glamour and, above all, big advertising and corporate power. There were obvious conflicts of interest (apart from what it did to cricket, the game) from day one. Here was Big Business in open embrace with its political patrons. There were also those who did not give the public office they held a fraction of the time or importance they gave to the BCCI-IPL. But few serious questions came up in the media.

Now there's a forced discussion of opaque dealings, bribes, and "we-know-how-to-deal-with-you" threats. Of shady investors, murky dealings and, possibly, large-scale tax evasion. Of franchisees alleging they were offered a $50 million bribe to exit. Or claiming that a Union Minister warned them to withdraw from the rodeo with grave threats.

It all leads to things much bigger than Modi versus Tharoor or issues of "impropriety" (a nice, genteel word). Leave aside the narrow money details or the fact that some franchisees are thought to be losing tens of crores each year. Skip the fact that despite those losses, newer franchisees between them put up over Rs.3000 crores for two teams that don't exist. Only a tiny band of journalists have at all shown the scepticism demanded of their profession. These few have stuck at it gamely only to find themselves isolated, mocked as party-poopers and the recipients of threats and abusive mail.

How about questions on public subsidies going to some of the richest people in the world? The BCCI-IPL cost the public crores of rupees each year in several ways. The waiving of entertainment tax worth Rs.10 to 12 crores for the IPL in Maharashtra alone was discussed in the State's Assembly. It was little reported and less discussed in the media. Maharashtra has extended other support to the IPL, which is yet to be quantified. This, despite being a State whose debt will cross Rs.200,000 crores in the coming year. And there are similar subsidies and write-offs extended to the BCCI-IPL in other States, other venues.

A whole raft of concealed freebies from public resources to the BCCI-IPL is also not discussed. We have no picture of their full scope. No questions either on why a public sector company should be billing itself as the "sponsor" of a team owned by the fourth richest man in the planet. No questions asked about issues ranging from super-cheap land leases and stadia rentals and low-cost stadia security. We don't even know what the total bill to the public is: just that it is probably in tens of crores. We do know that these supports to the IPL from public money come at a time when subsidies to the poor are being savaged. But we don't want to go down that road. An inquiry into the IPL must cover the BCCI as well and must record all the open and hidden write-offs and subsidies that both get.

Who stand to gain from the public wet-nursing of the IPL? Among others, four gentlemen who make the Forbes Billionaires List of 2010. Three of them are team owners and one is a title sponsor. All dollar billionaires and long-time residents on the Forbes List. Then there are the mere millionaires in the shape of Bollywood stars. For all these and other worthy people, governments bend over backwards to make concessions. Even as they slash food subsidies in a period of rising hunger. Big time partying is an integral part of the IPL show. Only look who is paying for that. Street argot has already begun to brand the IPL as Indian Paisa League or, more directly, India Paisa Loot.

But the BCCI and the IPL preside over huge sums in advertising. So even when the IPL angers the media by pushing them around on coverage restrictions, the media cave in. The larger silence continues. The strongest criticism of what has been going on (till the Kochi chaos) has come from Sports Minister M S Gill, an old-fashioned cricket lover actually worried about the game. Not from the media that cover the IPL. He has criticised the tax concessions and security subsidies that have hurt public security in the cities concerned while the IPL is on.

It's also worth pointing out that Mr. Gill is the one Minister (of the four Ministers on your TV screens in the present drama) actually connected with sports in a legitimate way - and not tainted by scandal. But maybe that's natural: the IPL has little to do with sports.

The Sports Minister pointed out a long time ago that there were dangerous conflicts of interests at the top levels of the BCCI-IPL. He also told Karan Thapar on television that he found the idea of "letting off tax" (waivers for IPL) quite unacceptable. "This is a poor country. I never forget that. There is a huge deficit in the budget even this year ..." And went on to say that: "when business is earning it in the shape of these teams and whatever the structure, I think the legitimate tax should be taken and should be used for the country maybe even for sports, other sports." Far from that happening, we are taking it from the public and handing it out to the billionaires.

Fire brigades in the cities have been muted or overruled in their objections to the IPL's 'hospitality boxes' (where seats can cost you Rs.40,000) as fire hazards. But some of these tickets also get you to a late night party with IPL stars and other dubious benefits. Some have raised the question of what this does to the players' performance the next day. But the party goes on. Nothing could be further removed from the lives of the 'cricket crazy public' - whose supposed interests are invoked for every new spin to the game. IPL does not come cheap.

Mumbai's elite recently preened themselves on Earth Hour where the city saved some power by switching off lights for 60 minutes. Great savings could be made if all IPL games were played in daylight. There is something ugly about that much electricity consumed by a private profit entity (guzzling public money) in a season when Marathwada and Vidarbha suffer 12-15 hour power cuts. Something that always devastates the performance of their poorer children in the examinations. They could end up having (on paper at least) a Right to Education, but none to electricity.

With the IPL comes the convergence of the most important media trends: the ABC of Media - Advertising, Bollywood and Corporate Power. Corporate barons and Bollywood stars own cricket teams. One IPL team is owned by a newspaper. Other dailies have become 'media partners' of IPL teams. Some Bollywood stars have 'promotional agreements' for their films with TV channels who disguise their paid-for gushing over those films as "news." Once national heroes, cricket's top icons are now 'capital assets' of the franchise owners.

Once proud of their disavowal of tobacco and liquor advertising, the icons now plug for the latter in surrogate form. And are linked to the former in other ways. And a once great game moves from heartfelt public ownership to a pocket-driven private one; from a national passion to a hyper-commercial nightmare.

P Sainath
04 Mar 2010

Monday, April 19, 2010


Narmada Bachao Andolan

2, Sai Nagar, Mata Chowk, Khandwa, M.P.

Tel: 0733-2228418,09425394606,9425928007

E-mail: nbakhandwa@gmail.com



URGENT ACTION ALERT                                  URGENT ACTION ALERT




Dear friends,


From the 22nd of April, 2010, the oustees of the Maheshwar dam are commencing satyagraha and indefinite fast in Delhi demanding the immediate suspension of the Maheshwar dam under S.5 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 until a comprehensive Rehabilitation Plan is submitted, and the over 10,000 oustee families are rehabilitated and resettled according to the conditions of the environmental clearances and the approved rehabilitation policy.


As you are aware, the Maheshwar dam is one of the large dams being built on river Narmada. The project was privatised by the Government of M.P. in 1992, and handed over to the S.Kumar’s group. Around 50,000 to 70,000 peasants, fisher people, boatpeople and landless workers in 61 villages of this area who are presently dependent on the extremely rich riverine and land economy of this area will be affected by this project. The oustees of this dam have been relentlessly fighting for their rights, for last 14 years under the aegis of Narmada Bachao Andolan raising the issues of the un-viability of the high-cost power project, the failure of the rehabilitation process, and the various financial irregularities in the project and project funding. As a consequence, many international banks and companies left the project and the German and Portugese governments declined to give guarantees to the project, as they found among other things, that the rehabilitation of oustees is impossible and project is unviable.


It may be pointed out that as per the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, the affected villagers are to be provided agricultural land and other rehabilitation benefits. The Ministry of Environment and Forest gave its clearance in 1994 to the Government of Madhya Pradesh, which was transferred to private company SMHPCL of the S.Kumars group in 2001. However, in violation of the conditions of the clearance which required that a complete R&R Plan with details of agricultural land was to be submitted by December 2001, and which required the implementation of the R&R measures at the same pace as dam construction, the construction work is now over about 80%, while the rehabilitation of the 10,000 oustee families is around 5%. Even the full extent of submergence is yet to be known.


In October 2009, the Environment Minister Shri Jairam Ramesh wrote a letter to the Chief Minister, Madhya Pradesh about this grave situation expressing his apprehension that the oustees would be left in the lurch without R&R. In his reply dated November 2009, the Chief Minister, Madhya Pradesh confirmed that not more than 3% of the R&R measures has been completed. After the oustees demonstrated before the Ministry on the 17th of February 2010, the MOEF issued a show cause notice under S.5 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, to the promoter company Shree Maheshwar Hydel Power Corporation Limited (SMHPCL) stating that there has been no satisfactory compliance with the conditions of the environmental clearance, and asking them to show cause as to why the clearance should not be revoked and directions for the closure of the Maheshwar project should not be issued. The reply filed by SMHPCL in response to the show- cause notice confirms that there is no Rehabilitation Plan with details of the agricultural land to be allotted to the oustees, and that the R&R measures are far lagging behind the construction of the dam.


It is important to note that after above reply, during his visit to Bhopal on 2nd April 2010 Environment Minister Shri Jairam Ramesh acknowledged before the media that conditions of clearance in Maheshwar Project have been violated and status of rehabilitation is appalling. He also said that he is ready to suspend work on the dam until rehabilitation is completed. However the Ministry of Environment and Forests is yet to suspend work on the project. (Interview published in “The Statesman” is annexed).


In this grave situation, the oustees of Maheshwar dam have decided to start an indefinite Fast and Satyagraha at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi from 22nd April, 2010. The oustees of Omkareshwar, Indira Sagar, Man and Upper Beda dams will also participate in large numbers in the struggle program. The Narmada Bachao Andolan demands the Ministry of Environment and Forests the Ministry which has statutory power and is under statutory duty to immediately suspend the construction on the dam, until a comprehensive Rehabilitation Plan is submitted, and the oustees are rehabilitated and resettled according to the conditions of the clearances and the R&R Policy.


We request you to:


a.    Come and join the struggling oustees at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi.


b.    Write to Environment Minister Shri Jairam Ramesh to immediately suspend the construction on the Maheshwar dam, and ensure that a comprehensive Rehabilitation Plan is submitted, and that the oustees are rehabilitated and resettled according to the Plan. (A draft letter is attached)


Shri Jairam Ramesh

Hon'ble Minister

Ministry of Environment and Forests,

Paryavaran Bhavan,CGO Complex,

Lodhi Road, New Delhi

Fax: 011-24362222 / 24361727

E-mail: jairam@vsnl.com, jairam54@gmail.com,



Sunday, April 18, 2010

Invitation for the dialogue on the National Food Security Act at Constitution Club on 19th April, 2010, 4:00pm onwards




Sub: Dialogue on the National Food Security Act at the Constitution Club on 19th April, 2010, 4:00pm onwards


Dear Friends,


Thousands of people from all over the country have travelled to the Dharna on the streets of Delhi under the umbrella of the Right to Food Campaign to protest against the proposed National Food Security Act which we consider an insult to our current situation of hunger, starvation and malnutrition.


You must be aware of the debates in the Empowered Group of Ministers (eGoM) on Food Security around the National Food Security Bill. We are deeply disappointed with the narrow manner in which the Bill is being visualised, where the government seeks to restrict the proposed Act to only providing 25kgs of foodgrains to a limited number of Below Poverty Line (BPL) households. This is meaningless in the face of high malnutrition, spiraling prices, drought and deepening hunger. Such a minimalist view is inadequate to address the issue of providing food and nutrition security to the people of this country. Instead, the NFSA must be seen as an opportunity to not only address the injustice of large-scale hunger and malnutrition in the country but also to revitalise domestic food production and agriculture. For this, the Act must deal with at least some of the causes of hunger and provide each and every resident of this country with food entitlements.


We would like to invite you for this discussion which we are holding on 19th April on the NFSA. The meeting will be held on 19th of April from 4.00pm onwards at the Constitution Club, New Delhi. We hope you will be able to join us.


Yours sincerely,


On behalf of the steering group of the Right to Food Campaign:

Annie Raja, Anuradha Talwar, Arun Gupta, Aruna Roy, Arundhati Dhuru, Ashok Bharti,

Colin Gonsalves, Jean Dreze, Kavita Srivastava, Mira Shiva, Paul Diwakar, Subhash Bhatnagar, Vandana Prasad, V.B.Rawat, Vinod Raina



Right to Food Campaign Secretariat Office: 011-26499563

Kavita Srivastava- 09351562965 / Dipa Sinha – 9650434777 / Trishna - 9891768050 / Sejal - 9560266167



Secretariat - Right to Food Campaign
5 A, Jungi House, 
Shahpur Jat, New Delhi 110049. 
website: www.righttofoodindia.org
Email: righttofood@gmail.com
Phone - 91 -11 -2649 9563

Read all the developments towards Right to Food Act, 2009  here : http://www.righttofoodindia.org/right_to_food_act.html

Would you like to read more:

Peoples Audit of SEZs Programme Schedule 19-20 April, New Delhi

National People's Audit of SEZs in India, April 19th- 20th, 2010
Auditorium, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

Programme Schedule





10.00 - 10.15 AM

Welcome Address and Introducing Audit Process- Aruna Roy


10.15 - 10.25 AM

Introducing National Panelists and State Panelists who are there by one of the organisers


10.25 – 10.35 AM

Inaugural song by Vinay and Charul


10.35  - 11.15AM

State Presentation from Maharashtra

Ulka Mahajan (State Overview)

Dilip Patil, Raigadh; Peter Goodinho, Gorai; Prasad Bhagwe, Pune; Baba Davare, Nagpur; One testimony from Nashik,


11.15 - 11.30 AM

Maharashtra State Panelist observations (Trilochan Sastri, Anand Teltumbde)


11.30 - 11.45

Tea Break


11.45 - 12.05 AM

State Presentation from Gujarat, Overview by Manshi, presentation by Bharat Patel, Machimar Adhikar Sangharsh Sangathan (MASS)


12.05  – 12.25

State Presentation from Orissa


12.25 - 1.00

State Panelist Presentations ( a few since we can't cover all after each audit)


1.00 - 2.00

Break for lunch


2.00 - 1.10 PM

Cultural Expressions


2.10 - 2.55 PM

State presentation of Karnataka T.R. Bhatt (state overview) , Fr. Vinod, Vidya Dinker, Giriya Gowda, Mallapa Gowda, Chennamma Bai, Shyamala Bai, Lilly Misquith, William Dsouza, Chandrashekhar


2.55 - 3.10 PM

Karnataka State Panelist observations (Anand Teltumbde, Trilochan Sastry, K.T.Ravindran)


3.10  - 3.55 PM

State presentation of Andhra Pradesh, Overview from Usha Seethalakshmi, Kakinada team, Anantapur team, Medak Industrial Park team


3.55 - 4.10 PM

Andhra Pradesh State Panelists observations (Trilochan Sastry, K.B.Saxena and Prof. Srinivasulu)


4.10 - 4.25 PM

Tea Break


4.25 - 4.35

Cultural Expressions


4.35 - 5.20 PM

State Presentation of Tamil Nadu, Gabriele Detrich, Subrahmaniam, Mahesh, Perumal,


5.20 - 5.35 PM

Tamil Nadu State Panelist Presentations ( Sukumar Muralidharan, Prof. Shanmugavel, Prashant Bhushan)


5.35 - 6.00 PM

End day with Cultural Expressions


9.30 - 10.00 AM

Welcome Address by Medha Patkar


10.00 - 10.20 AM

State Presentation of Goa, Pravin Sabnis, Simon Fernandes


10.20 – 10.45 AM

Goa State Panelist Observations ( Prashant Bhushan, Devender Sharma, Admiral Ramdas)


10.45- 11.00 AM

National SEZ Overview by Aseem Srivastava


11.00  – 11.15

Break for tea


11.15 - 12.00 PM

Presentations from the Northern Region D.P Baidwan from Kisan Hit Bachao Samiti, Mohali, Punjab; Narendra Parmar for Himachal Pradesh; Mike Levien for Rajasthan; Bhupinder Rawat for Delhi; Rajpal Sewli and Mahavir Gurliya for Haryana


12.00 - 1.00

National Panelist Observations


1.00 -2.00 PM

Break for lunch


2.00 - 3.00 PM

Meeting to discuss the future of the campaign


3.00 - 4.00 PM

Press Conference and announcing the campaign


4.00 - 4.30 PM

Vote of Thanks by Dr. Parasuraman

For organizers only

4.30 - 7.30 PM

Brainstorming about the commission


For details contact : peoplesauditofsezs2009@gmail.com | 9818905316

"The Moment of Change is the only Poem" - Adrienne Rich

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